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Book Title: Treating and Preventing Adolescent Mental Health Disorders  > pp. [355]-[359]
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mood disorder may be particularly vulnerable to such adverse effects resulting from marijuana doses well tolerated by others.
Cannabis-induced intoxication clearly impairs cognitive and psychomotor performance, with complex, demanding tasks being more affected and in a dose-dependent manner. The spectrum of behavioral effects is similar to those of other central nervous system (CNS) depressant drugs such as alcohol and are additive to effects produced by concurrently used depressant drugs. The magnitude of marijuana-produced perceptual and psychomotor alterations measurable in research settings is such that it is reasonable to assume that complex tasks such as driving or other tasks that have high demands on attention and information processing and reaction responses would be impaired. Of particular relevance when considering consequences of adolescent marijuana use is that in a laboratory setting, overlearned or well-practiced tasks are relatively less affected by marijuana. Thus, a beginning or relatively inexperienced driver may be more subject to marijuana-induced cognitive, motor, and perceptual impairments than an adult who has been driving for many years.
Although the evidence for cognitive impairment for some hours after a dose of marijuana is quite consistent and has been repeated in experiments in many laboratories over many years, there is less unanimity about the consequences of long-term chronic cannabis use. The consensus of recent studies is that individuals who have used cannabis over long periods of time have impaired performance on tests even when not acutely intoxicated. The cognitive functions that are impaired are attention, memory, and processing of complex information, and appear to last months, perhaps years, after cessation of use. Uncertainty remains as to whether some of the individuals had impaired performance before becoming involved with cannabis, but the data are quite consistent that the performance of heavy, frequent users is impaired when compared with shorter-term, less infrequent marijuana users.
Tolerance to many of cannabis's subjective and behavioral effects develops rapidly with relatively few exposures, not unlike the pattern of tolerance that develops to nicotine and cocaine effects when smoked. For many users, tolerance likely leads to more frequent or high-dose use to achieve the sought-after psychological effects. A cannabis withdrawal state has been clearly demonstrated in laboratory animals given marijuana or other cannabinoids over a relatively short period of time. Clinically significant cannabis withdrawal symptoms have been well described in both human laboratory studies and clinical settings. With abrupt discontinuation after only a few days of repeated administration of THC or marijuana in a laboratory setting, disturbed sleep, decreased appetite, restlessness, irritability, sweating, chills, nausea, and markedly disturbed sleep rapidly develop within hours of the last dose. Although most symptoms disappear in a day or two, irritability and sleep disturbance can persist for weeks. Frequent marijuana users in a clinical setting report similar symptoms when they stop marijuana smoking, along with a craving for marijuana, depressed mood, increased anger, wild dreams, and headaches. The pattern of withdrawal symptoms suggests to some investigators that it may contribute to continued use of marijuana in cannabis-dependent individuals. As with other addicting drugs, the precise links between withdrawal symptoms and continued or relapse to drug use is still a matter of some uncertainty.
As with nicotine dependence, it appears that early exposure to cannabinoids during adolescence may have more adverse consequences, including patterns of drug taking consistent with addiction. Individuals who began regular use of cannabis in adolescence appear to be at greater risk, relative to cannabis users who began regular use at an older age, in terms of greater use of other illicit drugs, depression, suicidal ideation and suicide attempts, and violent or property crimes. When adolescents were followed over time into adulthood, weekly cannabis use when an adolescent predicted an increased risk of dependence when a young adult.
The sometimes marked cardiovascular and autonomic system effects of cannabis appear to be well tolerated by adolescent users. However, when used heavily and over time, smoking marijuana is associated with pulmonary symptoms and problems. Pulmonary toxins are present in marijuana smoke as they are in tobacco smoke.
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Recent estimates that in the future as many as 30,000 deaths a year may result in Britain from smoking cannabis reflect reasonable extrapolations from the toxic effects of marijuana to what is known about the adverse effects of tobacco smoking. Laboratory models of cannabinoid-induced alterations in immune system response are such that questions remain about the likelihood of clinically relevant immune system impairments from prolonged marijuana exposure.
Alcohol Use and Abuse in Adolescence
In this section we provide an overview of the phenomenology of alcohol drinking and alcohol use disorders (AUDs) in adolescents ages 11 to 19 years of age. Included in this overview is a current description of “drinking youths”; prevalence rates of adolescent drinking, binge drinking, AUDs, and drinking-related consequences; pertinent diagnostic issues; and potential etiological factors that may enhance our understanding of alcohol use and the development of problem drinking in adolescents.
Alcohol is a sedative and it is the only drug in this category to be discussed in this chapter. Other sedatives such as benzodiazepines, barbiturates, and other sleeping pills are used so uncommonly that they do not merit a full discussion. Notably, a discussion of alcohol leads to some overlap in content with discussions of other substance use disorders in adolescents, discussed elsewhere in this chapter. However, there are some important distinctions to bear in mind. Alcohol use by persons 21 years or older is legal in the United States, making it more readily available to adolescents and exposing them to seductive advertisements. In addition, low to moderate alcohol use is an integral part of our adult community life. It is available in many restaurants, sold in grocery stores in many states, and is available in liquor stores throughout the country. It is readily accepted in social settings, frequently accompanying a meal, and incorporated in many religious ceremonies. Over the past decade, the health benefits of one or two glasses of wine per day have been widely covered by the media. Finally, parents and other authorities frequently overlook adolescent drinking, relegating it to experimentation or “rites of passage.” In contrast, the illegality of many of the other abused substances (e.g., marijuana, cocaine, heroin) makes them taboo in most adult circles and causes much alarm and concern in adult communities when adolescent use of illegal substances is uncovered.
General Description of Adolescent Drinking
Drinking alcohol can be a highly pleasurable experience for many people, regardless of age. It is frequently described as relaxing, euphoric, anxiety reducing, and disinhibiting. Nonetheless, as alcohol is absorbed, metabolized, and eliminated from the body, it can also be associated with poor motor coordination, some confusion, irritability, depression, sleeplessness, nausea, and vomiting, among other ill effects. Ingesting excessive amounts of alcohol in a relatively brief period of time can cause extreme confusion, unconsciousness, and sometimes death.
Beer is the most commonly consumed alcoholic beverage among adolescents. The National Center on Addiction and Substance Abuse (CASA) at Columbia University estimated that nearly 20% of all alcoholic beverages purchased in 1999 was consumed by underage drinkers (CASA, 2003). For these underage drinkers (12 to 20 years of age), 76% of the expenditures was for beer, 19% for liquors (distilled spirits), and 4% for wine. These percentages are likely to change as alcohol manufacturers market new types of beverages that appeal to adolescents. The most recent arrivals are sweet-tasting, fruit-flavored, malt-based, colorful beverages, known as “alcopops” or “malternatives.” These beverages are gaining in popularity, easily accessible, and preferred to beer and mixed drinks by adolescents (CASA, 2003). While adolescents will use elaborate means to obtain alcohol (e.g., having fake identification cards made; asking strangers to buy alcohol for them), they more commonly obtain alcohol from their own homes, their friends' homes, their parents, or from other adults (CASA, 2003; National Research Council and Institute of Medicine [NRCIM], 2003).
Adolescents report drinking for many of the same reasons that adults drink—that is, they expect positive effects from drinking. Younger ad
end p.356
olescents report that drinking alcohol reduces tension and they like the mild impairment it causes to their cognitive and behavioral functioning. Older adolescents say they drink primarily because of the euphoria they experience and/or the altered social and emotional behaviors that occur when they drink. Oldest adolescents refer to the empowerment effects of alcohol. Adolescent males rate the pleasurable effects and sexual enhancement of alcohol more highly than females, who, in contrast, rate the tension-reduction effects more favorably (CASA, 2003; NRCIM, 2003).
Problem Drinking in Adolescents
The hallmarks of problem drinking are loss of control over drinking (i.e., drinking more than planned or in inappropriate settings) and the occurrence of negative consequences from drinking (driving under the influence [DUI], high-risk sexual behaviors, fights, medical problems). The development of addiction is associated with re peated, heavy drinking over time, potentially as a continual attempt to recreate the pleasurable state associated with initiating drinking and intoxication. Repeated drinking can also lead to the development of physiological dependence, marked primarily by tolerance to alcohol, and withdrawal symptoms between drinking periods. Tolerance is defined as the need to drink progressively greater amounts of alcohol to yield the same pleasurable effects that can be experienced when drinking alcohol. Tolerance is one of the most commonly reported dependence symptoms in community samples and clinical samples of adolescents (Chung, Martin, Armstrong, & Labouvie, 2002; Martin & Winters, 1998).
Although less frequently reported among adolescents than among adults, heavy drinking can also lead to alcohol withdrawal symptoms between drinking periods (see Table 17.6). Severe withdrawal can be life threatening and may present as delirium tremens (DTs), which include symptoms of confusion, delirium, hallucinations, and psychosis (Dackis & O'Brien, 2003b).
Table 17.6 Signs and Symptoms of Alcohol Intoxication and Withdrawal
Alcohol Intoxication
Alcohol Withdrawal
Signs (Observed)
Decreased heart rate
Increased heart rate
Lower blood pressure
Elevated blood pressure
Lower body temperature
Elevated body temperature
Sedation
Sweating
Decreased respiration
Tremors and muscle spasm
Loss of balance
Vomiting and diarrhea
Restlessness
Seizures
Slurred speech
Confusion
 
Delirium
 
Psychosis
Symptoms (Reported)
Relaxation
Craving for alcohol
Sense of well-being
Anxiety
Euphoria
Irritability
Dizziness
Insomnia
Fatigue
Nausea
Nausea
Hallucinations
Blackouts
 
end p.357
Delirium tremens are more likely if patients are malnourished, dehydrated, or suffer from infection or electrolyte imbalance. A careful history is critical, because withdrawal can produce seizures, especially if they have occurred before.
The psychological, behavioral, and physical effects of alcohol are related to the blood alcohol level (BAL) of an individual, which is determined primarily by the quantity, frequency, and potency of alcohol consumed. The BAL (the ratio of milligrams of alcohol per 100 ml of blood) can be easily estimated by exhaling into instruments called breathalyzers, which are commonly available to treatment providers and law enforcement agencies. Impaired judgment and impaired coordination due to alcohol are legally determined by a BAL of 0.08% (i.e., as of May 2003, 39 states have this as their legal limit; for the latest statistics see http://www.nhtsa.dot.gov/people/Crash/crashstatistics/) . Most European countries set the legal limit lower because discernable impairment from alcohol usually begins at about 0.05% or below. Adolescents may have higher BAL levels than adults because of their high-quantity, peer-influenced drinking patterns (Deas, Riggs, Langenbucher, Goldman, & Brown, 2000). Nonetheless, all states have zero-tolerance laws and allow no legal BAL for drivers under the age of 21.
Prevalence of Adolescent Use and Abuse of Alcohol
It is generally acknowledged that some use of alcohol is the norm among adolescents (Schulenberg & Maggs, 2002; Windle, 1999). According to national surveys, alcohol is the most widely used psychoactive substance in adolescents (excluding caffeine) (Grunbaum et al., 2002; Johnston et al., 2003b). The most recent Monitoring the Future (MTF) annual survey found that by senior year, nearly 80% of students reported some use of alcohol (Johnston et al., 2003b). In 1992, the CDC began conducting the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey (YRBSS) every 2 years, interviewing approximately 11,000 youths (ages 12 to 21) from a nationally representative sample. The results from their most recently available survey (2001) indicated that the percentage of high school students who had at least one drink of alcohol ranged from 73.1% of 9th graders to 85.1% of 12th graders (Grunbaum et al., 2002). Data are also available from the National Survey of Parents and Youths, conducted by the Annenberg School for Communications at the University of Pennsylvania (Hornik, 2003). This survey included a nationally representative sample of 2,435 youths who were initially interviewed in 2000 and reinterviewed 18 months later. Use of any alcohol increased in a linear fashion from about 5% at age 11 to approximately 89% at age 18. Thus, the most recent national surveys indicate that by senior year, approximately 80% to 90% of high school students have had at least a drink of alcohol.
Binge drinking.
One particular concern is the amount of binge drinking by adolescents. Wechsler and colleagues (Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Moeykens, & Castillo, 1994) are generally credited with first using the term binge drinking in referring to excessive alcohol drinking by some adolescent and college-aged drinkers. Excessive or binge drinking has been defined in multiple ways (NRCIM, 2003), but the standard definition is drinking five or more drinks in a single episode (CASA, 2003; Wechsler, et al., 1994; Windle, 1999). This pattern of drinking in adolescents is associated with a broad range of problems, including date rape, vandalism, and academic failure (Baer, 1993). According to the YRBSS survey (Grunbaum et al., 2002), 25.5% of 9th graders, 28.2% of 10th graders, 32.2% of 11th graders, and 36.7% of 12th graders had had at least one binge-drinking episode in the past 30 days. The MTF survey (Johnston et al., 2003b) obtained information on binge drinking in the 2 weeks prior to the interview and found that 12.4% of 8th graders, 22.4% of 10th graders, and 28.6% of 12th graders had at least one binge-drinking episode. The MTF survey also asked respondents to report if they had been “drunk” in the past month, and found that 6.7% of 8th graders, 18.3% of 10th graders, and 30.3% of 12th graders responded affirmatively.
Perhaps some of the most innovative work to date has combined a developmental perspective in defining more homogeneous adolescent–young adult subgroups with respect to their amount of binge drinking. Schulenberg, O'Malley, Bachman, Wadsworth, and Johnston
end p.358
(1996) identified six different patterns or trajectories of binge drinking on the basis of data from MTF. These trajectories accounted for 90% of the sample. The most common trajectories were “never” (36%) or “rarely” (17%) reported binge drinking; however, the other four trajectories were 12% decreased binge drinking over time, 10% increased binge drinking, 10% increased and then decreased, and 7% sustained chronic binge drinking over time.
Drinking-related consequences among adolescents.
According to the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA), “underage alcohol use is more likely to kill young people than all illegal drugs combined” (NIAAA, 2003). As in adult circles, excessive drinking and intoxication have serious consequences in the adolescent population. Most notable are automobile accidents. In 2001, 22.1% of high school seniors drove after drinking, and 32.8% rode with a driver who had been drinking (Grunbaum et al., 2002). Driving skills appear to be more readily impaired by alcohol in adolescent than adult drivers, and the alcohol-involved fatality rate is twice as high among adolescent than adult drivers (NIAAA, 2003).
Other harmful behaviors frequently related to excessive drinking among adolescents are high-risk sexual behaviors (unplanned with no protection); rapes, including date rape; assaults; homicides; and suicides (NIAAA, 2003; Windle, 1999). Having multiple sexual partners, failing to use condoms, and performing other high-risk sexual behaviors have been associated with alcohol use in adolescents (NIAAA, 2003). Furthermore, alcohol use by the offender, victim, or both has been linked to sexual assault, including date rape. Using the MTF data, Bachman and Peralta (2002) reported that heavy alcohol use increased the likelihood of violence for either gender, even after controlling for home environment, grades, and ethnicity. Alcohol generally is a disinhibiting intoxicant and it may also potentiate mood and stress states that lead to suicide attempts or other life-threatening behaviors. For example, heavy drinking has been correlated with suicide attempts in eighth-grade girls (Windle, Miller-Tutzauer, Domenico, 1992). Finally, alcohol is considered by some to be a “gateway” substance (along with nicotine) for illicit drugs such as marijuana (Hornik, 2003; Wagner & Anthony, 2002b). That is, on the basis of a longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample (Hornik, 2003), researchers concluded “that marijuana is a behavior taken up after alcohol and tobacco use, and only if these behaviors are present as well” (p. 342). The gateway hypothesis is discussed further in Chapter 19 on prevention.
Alcohol use disorders in adolescents.
The national surveys mentioned above are representative of the general population drinking patterns but do not specifically address the prevalence of AUDs in adolescents. Recently, Chung and colleagues (2002) reviewed the epidemiological literature on diagnosing AUDs in adolescents. Although this review summarized both community and clinical groups, the community groups are of specific relevance here. Five community samples were identified from studies in peer-reviewed journals whose sample sizes ranged from 220 to 4,023 adolescents, ages 12 to 19. Two of the studies were representative of the entire U.S. population and the other three were representative of individual states (North Carolina, Oregon, and Pennsylvania). In these surveys, the percentage of adolescents meeting criteria for alcohol abuse ranged from 0.4% to 9.6%, and for alcohol dependence, from 0.6% to 4.3%.
Issues in Determining Alcohol Use Disorders in Adolescence
Diagnostic criteria for alcohol abuse and dependence are detailed in the DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994), and are identical to the criteria for all substance disorders in all populations. To meet a diagnosis of alcohol abuse, one of four abuse criteria must be met:
1.  
Recurrent use causing serious consequences
2.  
Being physically dangerous
3.  
Use causing legal problems
4.  
Use resulting in persistent social or interpersonal problems
To meet a diagnosis of alcohol dependence (alcoholism), three of seven dependence criteria must be met:
end p.359
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doi:10.1093/9780195173642.003.0018
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