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Book Title: Treating and Preventing Adolescent Mental Health Disorders  > pp. [435]-[439]
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Figure 21.1 Rates of suicide for 15-to 19-year-olds and 15-to 24-year-olds, both sexes, all races [source: National Center for Health Statistics]. Rates for 15-to 19-year-olds are not available for pre-1970.
Figure 21.1 Rates of suicide for 15-to 19-year-olds and 15-to 24-year-olds, both sexes, all races [source: National Center for Health Statistics]. Rates for 15-to 19-year-olds are not available for pre-1970.
though we shall return to this question later in this section, it should be kept in mind that from a historical perspective, the declines we have seen recently are not unique. Twice previously in the 20th century, the rate of suicide among young men declined precipitously: once between 1908 and 1922, when the young male suicide rate went from almost 14 per 100,000 to 6, a drop of over 100%; and again between 1938 and 1944, when the rate fell from almost 9 per 100,000 to 6, a decline of 35%.
Recent decreases have been attributed to efforts to restrict firearms availability among youth (Brent, Baugher, Bridge, Chen, & Chiappetta, 1999; Miller & Heminway, 1999). In the United States the proportion of suicides that involve firearms has decreased somewhat in recent years, although firearms are still used in about 60% of all suicide deaths (CDC, n.d.a). Parallel declines in the youth suicide rate and in the rate of suicide by firearms, therefore, are not surprising. It should also be noted that among older white males, who have the highest suicide rate of any demographic group in the United States, the proportion of suicides that involve firearms has not declined. Furthermore, suicide rates have decreased in other countries where firearms are not a commonly used method.
The decline in the rate of youth suicide has also been linked to the increased use of antidepressant medication in treating young depressed people (Olfson, Shaffer, Marcus, & Greenberg, 2003). Although more precise data than are currently available may well substantiate the link between antidepressant use and suicide deaths, it should be noted that other problem behaviors among youth, notably substance abuse and violent crime, have generally risen and fallen parallel with changes in the suicide rate. And the recent drop in violent crime by young people in recent years seems less likely to be related to increased use of antidepressants.
Improved economic conditions in the 1990s have been credited for the recent decline in youth suicide, just as they were blamed for the high national rates during the depression of the 1930s. The decline in youth suicide has been noted, however, in countries that did not experience the prosperity that occurred in the United States during the last decade of the 20th century.
It is only relatively recently that tracking studies such as the CDC's Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) have been undertaken to provide accurate data about suicide attempts by young people. Thus, it is not possible to determine whether the increase in youth suicide deaths seen be
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tween the mid-1950s and 1990 was matched by an increase in suicide attempts among young people. The YRBS data reported since the early 1990s show that among high schools students (the target group for the YRBS), the recent decline in suicide deaths has not been accompanied by a comparable decline in suicide attempts (CDC, n.d.b).
The most current YRBS data (2003) indicate that 8.5 percent of U.S. high school youth surveyed (5.4% of males and 11.5% of females) made one or more suicide attempts in the prior 12-month period; 2.9 percent (2.4% of males and 3.2% of females) required medical attention as a result of a suicide attempt. Seventeen percent of the students indicated that they had seriously considered attempting suicide during the past 12 months. Since youth who are not currently attending school have been found to be at higher risk for suicide attempts and suicide deaths than those who are in school (Gould, Greenberg, et al., 2003; Gould, Fisher, Parides, Flory, & Shaffer, 1996), YRBS high school–based data likely underestimate the extent of these events among young people overall.
Patterns of suicidal behavior vary widely among youth from different demographic backgrounds. Among young people ages 15–24, males die by suicide almost six times more frequently than females. In 2002, the suicide rate among young men ages 15–24 was 16.4 per 100,000, and the rate among young women was 2.9. Although young males die by suicide more often than females, females report suicidal ideation and attempts more often than males (CDC, n.d.b.).
Youth suicide rates also vary widely among different racial and ethnic groups. In 2002, white youth had a suicide rate of 10.6 per 100,000, compared to rates of 6.5 for African Americans, 6.6 for Hispanic youth, 5.3 for Asian Americans/ Pacific Islanders, and 17.9 for American Indians and Alaskan Natives (CDC, n.d.a). The elevated rate of suicide among Native Americans of all ages is substantially accounted for by the particularly high suicide rate of young Native American males (Berlin, 1987; Wallace, Calhoun, Powell, O'Neil, & James, 1996).
Suicide attempt rates appear to be particularly high among young Latinos, surpassing rates among either whites or African Americans, whose attempt rates are similar (CDC, n.d.a). Although these patterns have been relatively stable, the reasons underlying the differential distribution of suicide attempts and suicide completions among racial and ethnic groups in the United States have not yet been adequately explored.
Since the mid-1980s, significant public attention has been focused on youth suicide prevention. During that decade, a proliferation of youth suicide prevention programs were developed and implemented, particularly in schools where they targeted students, parents, teachers, and other school personnel. This coincided with increasing recognition of childhood and adolescent depression, and mental health professionals and medical practitioners likewise began looking for ways to prevent the tragic loss of young lives to suicide. Many of these early youth suicide prevention efforts have not been sustained because of a lack of demonstrable success and/or a lack of funding.
In recent years, renewed attention to the problem of youth suicide has resulted from the National Strategy for Suicide Prevention, developed by the Department of Health and Human Services Administration and the Office of the former Surgeon General, David Satcher (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). This initiative called for the development of statewide suicide prevention programs to address youth as well as other priority target populations.
Our primary goal in this section of the book is to examine youth suicide prevention strategies and interventions with an eye toward identifying what works, what does not appear to work, and what research needs to be undertaken to move the field forward. We begin with a review of the multiple factors that have been suggested to put youth at risk for suicide.
ETIOLOGY OF YOUTH SUICIDE
It is generally agreed upon that suicidal behavior is multiply determined. In the following pages, we review the factors that have been identified in the research literature as conveying primary risk for suicide among young people, as well as
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factors that have been suggested to mediate or protect against suicidal behavior. These risk factors are summarized in Table 21.1. Different aspects of the problem have been addressed in a number of previous reviews (Gould, Greenberg, et al., 2003; Guo & Harstall, 2002; Wagner, 1997; Wagner, Silverman & Martin, 2003) and we have drawn on these in the discussion that follows and throughout the rest of this section.
Risk Factors
Although true causation is difficult to establish, a number of factors, or sets of factors, appear, on
Table 21.1 Factors Associated with Risk for Suicidal Behavior in Adolescents a
Psychopathology
Depression
Drug and alcohol abuse
Aggressive-impulsive behavior
Hopelessness
Pessimism
Conduct disorder (male)
Panic disorder (female)
Family and Genetic
Family history of suicidal behavior
Parental psychopathology
Environment
Firearm availability
Diminished family cohesion
Lack of parental support
Parent–child conflict
Negative life events
Child sex abuse
Suicide contagion
Biology
High 5-HT receptor expression in prefrontal cortex and hippocampus
Serotonergic dysfunction
Previous suicidal behavior
Suicide attempts
Sexual orientation
Same-sex sexual orientation
a Factors noted have been found to be associated with increased risk for suicidal behavior individually but overlap and shared underlying factors have not been assessed.
the basis of existing research, to be primary risk factors for youth suicide. Clearly, there is considerable overlap and mutual reinforcement among these factors, although most studies have considered them separately.
Psychopathology and Substance Abuse
There is overwhelming evidence that psychopathology is the most significant risk factor for both suicide deaths and suicide attempts among adolescents (Brent et al., 1999; Groholt, Ekeberg, Wichstrom, & Haldorsen, 1997; Shaffer et al., 1996). Psychological autopsy studies have determined that the vast majority of adolescents who die by suicide have significant psychiatric problems, including previous suicidal behavior, depressive disorder, substance abuse, and conduct disorder. The initial onset of such problems often precedes the suicide by several years. Suicide risk among adolescents has also been established to increase with the number of psychiatric diagnoses, with comorbidity between affective disorders and substance abuse being of particular importance (Shaffer et al., 1996). One recent analysis (Gould, 2003) has suggested that eliminating psychopathology could prevent 78%–87% of youth suicides.
The psychiatric problems and gender-specific diagnostic profiles of youth who attempt suicide have been found to be similar to those who die by suicide, with relatively more females than males presenting with affective disorder (Brent et al., 1999; Shaffer et al., 1996) and more males than females having substance abuse, particularly among older male adolescents (Gould et al., 1998; Marttunnen, Avo, Henriksson, & Lönnqvist, 1991; Shaffer et al., 1996). Conduct disorder is also prevalent in young males with suicidal behavior, often comorbid with substance use disorders and anxiety and mood disorders (Brent et al., 1993a; Gould et al., 1998; Shaffer et al., 1996).
Panic disorder has been found to be related to suicidal behavior, particularly among girls (Gould et al., 1996, 1998). Among adults, however, no association has been found when controlling for comorbid depression (Warshaw, Dolan, & Keller, 2000). Other anxiety disorders such
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as posttraumatic stress disorder have not been shown to be associated with suicidal behavior among young people when other comorbid psychiatric conditions are taken into consideration (Wunderlich, Bronisch, & Wittchen, 1998). Some studies have reported a relationship between bipolar disorder and both suicide deaths and suicide attempts among youth (Brent et al., 1988; Brent, Perper, & Moritz, 1993; Marttunnen et al., 1991; Shaffer & Hicks, 1994). Although suicide is relatively common among adults with bipolar disorder, given the relative rarity of the disorder, it accounts for only a small proportion of suicide deaths (Appleby, Cooper, Amos, & Faragher, 1999; Vijayakumar & Rajkumar, 1999). Suicidal ideation appears to be less directly related to psychopathology than either suicide attempts or suicide death (Andrews & Lewinsohn, 1992; Reinherz et al., 1995), perhaps because ideation, while occurring with higher frequency, is less persistent and may be fleeting. Gould et al. (1998) found suicidal ideation to be associated with depression in adolescent females and with depression and disruptive disorders in young males.
Aggressive-impulsive behavior (Apter, Plutchik, & van Praag, 1993; Gould et al., 1998; McKeown, et al., 1998; Sourander, Helstela, Haavisto, & Bergroth, 2001) has an increased association with suicidal behavior, particularly in the context of a mood disorder (Brent, Johnson, et al., 1994; Johnson, Brent, Bridge, & Connolly, 1998). Aggressive-impulsive behavior has been found to discriminate suicide attempters from psychiatric controls, and also appears to be related to familial transmission of suicidal behavior.
Hopelessness has also been implicated as an important factor associated with youth suicidal behavior, although its relationship is not independent of depression and depressed mood (Rotheram-Borus & Trautman, 1988; Rotheram-Borus, Trautman, Dopkins, & Shrout, 1990). Among a depressed subgroup that is at high risk for suicide, hopelessness may be an important marker. Pessimism, a negative cognitive style that may be related to hopelessness, has been found to characterize suicide attempters independent of depression (Lewinsohn, Rhode, & Seeley, 1996).
Previous Suicidal Behavior
Studies among adults have consistently identified previous suicidal behavior to be the most important factor associated with risk of suicide (Hawton & Sinclair, 2003), with repetition of suicide attempts significantly increasing the risk of a fatal outcome (Sakinovsky, 2000). Studies of youth have likewise found previous suicide attempts to be one of the strongest predictors of both subsequent attempts and suicide deaths (McKeown et al., 1998; Shaffer et al., 1996; Wichstrom, 2000). This relationship is particularly strong among youth with mood disorders (Brent et al., 1999; Shaffer et al., 1996). The risk for future suicidal behavior has been estimated to increase 3–17 times when a previous attempt has occurred (Groholt et al., 1997). One study of a high school sample found that half of adolescent suicide attempters had made more than one attempt (Harkavy-Friedman, Asnis, Boeck, & DiFiore, 1987), and this finding is confirmed by data reported by the YRBS (CDC, n.d.b). Overall, it is estimated that one quarter to one third of adolescents who die by suicide had made a previous attempt (Brent et al., 1993a; Groholt et al., 1997; Shaffer at al., 1996).
While prior attempts figure prominently in the histories of many young persons who die by suicide, the nature of the linkage between earlier and subsequent suicidal behavior is less clear. Existing evidence suggests, however, that previous suicide attempts convey an increased risk for suicide death even after controlling for psychiatric risk factors (Brent et al., 1999; Shaffer et al., 1996).
Sexual Orientation
An additional personal factor that has been suggested to be associated with youth suicide is homosexuality. A number of individual studies (Faulkner & Cranston, 1998; Fergusson, Horwood, & Beautrais, 1999; Garofalo et al., 1998; Remafedi, French, Story, Resnick, & Bloom, 1998; Russell & Joyner, 2001; Wichstrom & Hegna, 2003) as well as a comprehensive review article (McDaniel, Purcell, & D'Augelli, 2001) report increased rates of nonlethal suicidal behavior among youth with same-sex sexual orienta
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tion. Wichstrom and Hegna (2003) found that the suicide attempt rate was higher for those with same-sex orientation regardless of whether they had actually had same-sex sexual contact. They found that those who had had same-sex sexual contact had the highest rate. Stigmatization, victimization, isolation, and parental rejection have been identified as factors in suicidal behavior among gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth (McDaniel et al., 2001).
There is no empirical evidence that links suicide deaths among youth to sexual orientation (Shaffer, Fisher, Hicks, Parides, & Gould, 1995). Research in this area is likely to be limited by methodological challenges, notably inaccuracies in the reporting of sexual orientation or sexual behavior (McDaniel et al., 2001; Russell, 2003).
Biological and Genetic Factors
Some studies have linked youth suicidal behavior to parental psychopathology (Brent et al., 1988; Brent, Perper, et al., 1994; Gould et al., 1996), although others have found rates of family psychopathology among young suicide attempters and completers to be similar to those of other clinical samples (see Wagner, 1997; Wagner et al., 2003). Both suicide and suicide attempts have been found to be increased in families in which a parent has died by suicide or attempted suicide, even when controlling for the impact of parental psychopathology (Brent, Bridge, Johnson, & Connolly, 1996; Brent et al., 2002; Glowinski et al., 2001). This relationship may be mediated by familial transmission of impulsive aggression (Brent et al., 2003).
The mechanisms through which psychopathology and suicidality among parents may influence youth suicidal behavior are not yet clear. Although little is currently known about the genetics of youth suicide, adult studies suggest that biological factors play a significant role in suicide. Neurobiological abnormalities, in particular lower levels of central nervous system serotonin (5-HT), have been implicated in aggressive impulsivity and suicidal behavior in adults (Oquendo & Mann, 2000). Postmortem studies of the brains of adult suicide victims have also shown higher levels of 5-HT receptors than in normal controls (Arango et al., 1990; Mann, Stanley, McBride, & McEwen, 1986).
Postmortem studies of youth who have died by suicide are rare, and therefore the implications of adult findings for understanding youth suicide are not clear. One postmortem study involving 15 teenage suicide victims and 15 normal matched control subjects found significantly higher levels of 5-HT receptor expression in the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus of those who had died by suicide, suggesting that this abnormality may be a marker of adolescent as well as adult suicide (Pandey et al., 2002). These authors noted that higher levels of serotonin receptor expression have been implicated in alterations in emotion, stress, and cognition, which suggests promising avenues of exploration for understanding the neurobiology of youth suicide. Further studies are needed to confirm these findings and to clarify genetic relationships.
Family Environment
The familial expression of suicidality is likely a function of example as well as biology. Certain factors related to the family environment such as lack of family support and parent–child conflict have been found to contribute to risk for youth suicidal behavior (see Wagner, 1997; Wagner et al., 2003 for reviews). Particularly among younger suicide victims, parent–child conflict has been identified as a common precipitant to suicidal behavior (Brent et al., 1999; (Groholt, Ekeberg, Wichstrom, & Haldorsen, 1998).
Negative Life Events
There is considerable evidence that various negative life events contribute independently to youth suicide (see Wagner, 1997; Wagner et al., 2003), over and above other risk factors (Gould et al., 1996; Johnson, Cohen, et al., 2002). Physical abuse, for example, has been demonstrated to increase risk in case–control (Brent, Johnson, et al., 1994; Brent et al., 1999) and longitudinal studies (Brown, Cohen, Johnson, & Smailes, 1999; Johnson et al., 2002; Silverman, Reinherz, & Giaconia, 1996), and has been associated with
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doi:10.1093/9780195173642.003.0022
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